ACQJ editorial office
The term FIMI (foreign information manipulation and interference) may be relatively new in the international security vocabulary, but its mechanisms are deeply rooted in age-old propaganda tactics, now sharpened by modern technologies. In March 2025, the European External Action Service (EEAS) published his third report for FIMI, documenting more than 500 cases during 2024. These operations, often orchestrated by state and non-state actors, increasingly target small but strategically important countries such as Albania and North Macedonia. The report shows that these efforts are no longer limited to spreading lies: they amplify social divisions, undermine democratic institutions and erode international alliances.
For both countries, the threat is not hypothetical but tangible. Their geopolitical position and domestic challenges, underfunded media, a divided political climate, and heavy dependence on international assistance create fertile ground for manipulation. In Albania, FIMI narratives often aim to discredit Euro-Atlantic aspirations, while in North Macedonia they exploit interethnic tensions and skepticism towards EU integration. These campaigns do not just aim to distort the truth; they aim to distort reality, especially during election campaigns when the impact is greatest.
Social networks, especially Meta and X (formerly Twitter), have become the main channels for the spread of these narratives. Their algorithms, designed to maximize engagement, unknowingly spread divisive and sensationalist content. The situation is further exacerbated by the lack of moderation in local languages, leaving unlimited scope for the spread of disinformation. During the 2022 elections in North Macedonia, false claims about electoral fraud and ethnic favoritism spread rapidly on social media, fueling distrust and tensions.
“Social media platforms are now the main source of information for Albanian citizens,” says Besar Likmeta of Reporter.al, “but like any mass communication tool, they can be used to distribute manipulated content or malicious narratives.”
Despite the increased risk, the institutional and legal response in both countries remains insufficient. Albania has taken some steps with the adoption of National Security Strategy 2023–2028, which recognizes hybrid threats, including FIMI. But the document fails to translate the recognition of the threat into concrete measures. It does not set out clear protocols for identifying, pursuing or countering disinformation campaigns. The National Cyber Security Authority (NKSA), although the responsible institution, has limited jurisdiction and no punitive powers.
In North Macedonia, the gaps are even deeper. The 2021 strategy for building resilience in the face of hybrid threats does not directly address FIMI.
“Apart from a few laws that indirectly address elements of opposition to FIMI, there is no specific legislation that addresses it,” says Goran Rizaov, Media Program Manager at the Metamorphosis Foundation.
He recalls a plan proposed in 2019 to combat disinformation, which was rejected by the journalistic community due to concerns about freedom of expression. The government's poor communication, he said, contributed to failure of the initiative.
Another key obstacle is the lack of inter-institutional coordination. In Albania, institutional fragmentation prevents a unified response, while in Macedonia, mechanisms for inter-agency cooperation are lacking. Rizaov proposes the creation of a special parliamentary group to deal with FIMI-related issues, working directly with the media, civil society and international partners. “Freedom of expression and an independent media must remain a priority,” he stresses.
The crisis in the media landscape further exacerbates these weaknesses. In Albania, media ownership is concentrated in a few hands, with unclear funding structures and direct influence of the owners' interests on editorial content. Media outlets often produce copy-paste articles without clear sources and with clickbait headlines that distort the content.
In North Macedonia, political division translates into a media deeply polarized. Many media outlets function as party mouthpieces, disregarding objectivity and journalistic ethics. Efforts to increase transparency and accountability in the media have been fragmented and ineffective.
At the heart of these challenges lies lack of media literacy. Surveys show that many citizens are unable to distinguish reliable information from manipulated information. Civil society has taken initiatives with workshops and awareness-raising campaigns, but without sufficient resources and without a wide reach. “Disinformation and FIMI are not just media issues,” says Rizaov, “they are security issues and should be treated as such.”
Bridging this gap requires a concerted effort. Incorporating critical education in schools, engaging marginalized communities, and collaborating with international institutions are key steps. Albania and North Macedonia rely heavily on external partners, from the EU to NATO, for expertise and funding, but this support must be used to build sustainable domestic capacity.
One promising path is to link local efforts with regional and international ones. Cross-border initiatives for media literacy can address the common challenges of the Western Balkans. Training programs, regional fact-checking centers, and joint response mechanisms are powerful tools for strengthening resilience.
According to Likmeta, approximation with European acts such as Digital Services Act (DSA) and European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) is essential. These frameworks force social platforms which are widely used in the Western Balkans as tools for disseminating misinformation, remove illegal content, be transparent about algorithms, and publish regular reports on measures against disinformation.
For Albania and North Macedonia, confronting FIMI is not just a technical exercise, it is a test of democratic maturity. Recognizing the risk is only the first step. The real test is how quickly and effectively action is taken to address it. The sustainability of democratic institutions, and the trust of citizens, depend precisely on this confrontation.
